Linguistic groups are of a different nature from ethnic
groups, for the principles that constitute them as coherent entities are
unalike. The existence of ethnic groups as a social reality within space
and time is in itself problematic, and needs to be seen as a changing reality
resulting from specific cultural and historical processes. The question
is to study, rather than the distribution of cultural features, how ethnic
diversity is socially articulated and maintained. A collective identity
is never reducible to the possession of a cultural heritage, but is constructed
in a relational and dynamic process, so that the analysis must be displaced
from that of the cultural contents toward the study of the emergence and
affirmation of ethnic categories as they are built in inter-groups relations.
Speaking of the Rawang, Dulong and Anong as a whole is, from an anthropological
point of view, quite difficult. Aspects of cultural and social unity and
diversity are what need to be explored at first for establishing a valid
ground for the combined study of these three groups. This leads to a general
approach in terms of ethnicity, taking into account migrations and social
organization, as well as specific contexts.
Ethnonyms and exonyms
First of all, the names by which we refer to these peoples are to be clarified. Within Myanmar, we find the Rawang, this ethnonym being used by the people living mainly along the Nmai Hka. Still in Myanmar, we find other related groups who do not use the name Rawang, but call themselves mainly by the name of the valley they inhabit, such as the Daru (Thelu), Matwang, etc. There are also the Taron (or Tarong), so-called because they originate from the valley of the same name. Taron is an old English spelling for T'rung. Within China, living along the easternmost source of the Irrawaddy (Dulongjiang in Chinese), the T'rung (Trung, Drung) are known under the name of Dulong, which is the Chinese transcription of their name. As such, Dulong is an exonym (and a political entity, a 'minority nationality'), but not a too problematic one, for it designates the same reality than the ethnonym T'rung. The situation is different for the Nu Nationality of China, which is in fact made up of different groups, each having their own ethnonym and exhibiting important linguistic and cultural differences. As such, the exonym Nu make no sense for us, and we must refer to the people by the names they use for themselves. Anong (or Anung) is such a name, and is equivalent to the Nung some people use further north in the Salween valley (Nujiang in Chinese) close to the Tibetan border. Similar to the T'rung and other groups living in Myanmar we just referred to, Anong or Nung derive their name from the river on the banks of which they evolve, the Salween river, anung remai in their language.
In contemporary China, when we speak of Dulong or Nu, we refer to the official category of minzu ?a term often translated by 'ethnic group' but in fact more a political entity. The definition of a minzu is based on Stalin's four characteristics of a nationality: common territory, language, economy, and psychological make-up. Consequently, the 'ethnic identification' (minzu shibie) project of the fifties resulted in recognition of fifty-six minzu in whole China, the Han Chinese representing the majority of the population and the peripheral peoples the 'minority nationalities' (shaoshu minzu). It also led to the formation of administratively 'autonomous areas' (such as Tibet) where specific minority nationalities composed most of the local population. In most cases, Stalin's criteria were not rigidly applied and appear more as a theoretical liturgy. The identification was not always concerned with people own ethnic consciousness, and the identification campaign often neglected cultural and linguistic disparities in order to create minzu by amalgamating several groups and attributing a generic name, although some of these groups expressed their claim to be recognized separately. The recognition of different minzu was a political project, and each minzu equal in status and supposed to actively play a role for the edification of socialism. As such, being a minzu not only means an official recognition but also the setting of a political framework for the formulation of local identities. It is in this context that the category of minzu, and associated names, are sometimes interiorized or at times challenged by people who don't recognize themselves in such a category.
Two other exonyms were in use concerning the Dulong and the Nu before the fifties in China. The Chinese name Qiuzi (Kiutzi), probably deriving from a Lisu term, was the name under which were known the people now called the Dulong, and Luzi (Lutzi) was the generic name equivalent to the group nowadays designated as the Nu nationality. In British documents of the beginning of the 20th century, several generic names were commonly used. The Shan name Hkanung (sometimes spelt Hkunung) has long been used for the Rawang and other related groups in Myanmar. This name means 'slave Nung', and refers to the category of Nung which was also in use, designating a linguistic group as well as an 'ethnic' category. The name Nung is what the Jinghpaw call these people as a whole, and it is likely they did so because these people came from the Salween valley. Nevertheless, all the authors agree that these people, despite cultural and linguistic diversity, were called Nung because it was impossible to find a generic name for them. And the reason for that is clear, and had been given since the beginnings of the ethnography of this area: 'Nung clans have no generic name for themselves. They consist of many clans or families, such as, Matwang, Htiselwang, Serwang, Sertha, Wahke, Agu, Hpungsi, Wadamhkong and so on' (Barnard 1934, for the references, please refer to the General Bibliography).
According to Robert and Betty Morse (1966), the Rawang
should be seen as 'one of the indigenous branches of the Kachin people',
an 'ethnic group' that '[h]istorically, genetically and culturally' has
always been one but 'never in the past been recognized as one race'. This
argument combines socio-biological and cultural criterions, to which is
added a confusion of 'race' and 'ethnic group' in order to demonstrate
the relevancy of a category that only exists in the minds of its authors.
As we have seen, the reference to a Rawang 'ethnic group' is an abstraction,
as there exists no generic name, and people mainly refer to themselves
by their clan name. Moreover, another level of reference is the valley
or the locality and most of the names that are used and that are not clan
names are of this category. Consequently, to be T'rung is to live
in the T'rung valley, and this is exclusive of all other appellations of
the same type, such as Rawang. While this has to be understood, the
importance of migrations, exchanges and matrimonial alliances, as well
as a shared language despite dialectal differences, must not be neglected
in that it sometimes produces a sense of unity and gives a basis for a
'sameness' feeling. Recently, Rawang in Myanmar have begun a movement to
use the name 'Rawang' to represent all of their people, but within China,
the people supposed to be included in this broad category continue to use
their own names such as T'rung and Nung or Anung. Some people, like
the T'rung living in the south part of the valley near the border with
Myanmar, and who are in regular contact with the Rawang having even relatives
living in Myanmar, do consider that being T'rung, they are 'of the same
kind' with the Rawang. There is a strong sense of identity on the
part of Rawang with the T'rung, even without having a single name, and
on the part of the T'rung with the Rawang. Still, they do not use
this last name to refer at themselves, and people living in the northern
part of the T'rung valley point to another type of relation. They say that
Rawang are similar to the T'rung, and probably originate from the T'rung
valley. It is because they have now been living for a long time in
Myanmar that they call themselves Rawang.
Migrations, contacts and memory of the origins
Migratory dynamics are important to understand the processes of segmentation that led to the present configuration of these groups. Most of these people share a common cosmology and mythology despite variations and diverse influences. For example, the T'rung believe that 'from the time of the beginning', after a great flood which led to the founding of a new humanity, the nine primordial couples have been dispatched to the nine valleys. Each was then the founder of now differentiated groups each associated with a specific area. According to this story of the origins, people of each group believe themselves to be the original settlers of the valley they inhabit, or were inhabiting before recent migration. However, migration movements, often at the scale of familial groups, parallel this sense of autochthony, and unlike the T'rung, the Rawang people's stories of origins all refer to their migration form an original place. The chaos which characterizes the history of this part of the Eastern Himalayas, and the lack of ancient records, make almost impossible the task of documenting the past of these groups. But more recent events and population movements are accessible from both historical sources and oral traditions of these groups. On the whole, they generally evoke a westward migration, from one valley to another, and southward movements within these valleys. This is clearly linked with their tradition of shifting cultivation, which led them to expand over new territories, but also to hunting activities which, according to oral tradition, were often at the origin of the discovery of a suitable location for a new implantation. All these groups are also characterized by the practice of ultimogeniture, a principle of segmentation and territorial expansion which allows the first born male of a family to move to another spot while the younger brother stays with his parents. Some attested migrations were also due to specific historical facts. The massive arrival of the Lisu people in the Salween valley (especially at the end of the 16th century) made a lot of Nung families move westward and settle in the area of the Nmai Hka valley. Similarly, the increasing presence of the Tibetan and the later implantation of a Buddhist Temple (begining of the 19th century) made other Nung families leave the Upper reaches of the Salween valley and move to the T'rung valley. Of course, the disorders consecutive to the arrival of the communists and the later Cultural Revolution made a lot of people move to Myanmar during the second half of the 20th century. When each group, the Nung, the T'rung or the Rawang, arrived in their current area of habitation is a question with no possible answer. But what is evident is the circulation of individuals among these groups, and consequently the possibility of their assimilation by other groups. The migration processes seem to have had different effects on each group's sense of identity. The Rawang identity movement inscribes these people in their migratory tradition as they relate their names to the place of their supposed origin, so that Rawang is thus said to be an simplification of Ramewang (middle river), possibly the Mekong, along which they are said to have come down. Similarly, the Tarong (T'rung) of Myanmar still keep this name because of their origin. In these two cases, ethnonyms appear to have an existence through time and despite migrations to an area other than that designated by the name itself. However, the common feature is still that such ethnonyms are in fact names of valleys they have inhabited. Comparatively, the T'rung, so-called because they inhabit the T'rung valley, never refer to the place of their origin in a way that its name would be kept to refer to oneself. T'rung people do have a good memory of past migrations, but their accounts evoke a different attitude, a permanent reconstruction of identity according to new locations.
In all these facts, from the attested absence of a generic
name to the importance of the reference to locality, challenge the classificatory
will of the observer. They also reveal that the ways local people
refer to themselves using more or less inclusive categories depends on
the context of enunciation.
Clanic organization and locality
The absence of a generic name for most of these groups is paralleled by the fact they normally use their clan names to refer to themselves. It is now recognized that the term 'clan', often debated in anthropology, is characterized neither by territoriality nor by exogamy. Its minimal definition is a group of unifiliation in which the members are not always able to clearly establish their genealogical links to a common ancestor, often a mythical one. The role of genealogical knowledge seems to differ amongst the groups. The T'rung do not have a good memory of genealogies, but refer to past generations by stories of particular events and exceptional ancestors. On the other hand, the Rawang are very clear about their genealogical background for many generations back, and this is part of their sense of being a group. The ambiguity of the reference to a locality as a basis on which to construct the unity of the group in a contrastive way and in order to differentiate oneself from surrounding people, is particularly manifest when compared to the reference people make to their clan affiliation. This fact will become clearer with an example. Some people in the north of the T'rung valley (Dulongjiang) say they originate from the Salween valley. This migration, originally of a small familial group, took place several generations ago, but the genealogical depth is unknown. Saying so, they say to be members of a particular clan, some members of which are still to be found in the Salween valley today, and are consequently Nung people. There are two contradictions in such a statement. First, being T'rung, they consider themselves as the descendants of the original mythical couple who settled in the T'rung valley and consequently have always lived in this valley, but at the same time acknowledge an origin from the Salween valley. Secondly, originating from the Salween valley they are of a clan which members are also found there and maybe in other places. That is to say that members of this clan are T'rung for some, and Nung for others. What seems a contradiction for us is not ostensible for them because these facts are related to different levels of identification. While the reference to the clan situates them beyond territorial links, the reference to the locality, in term of identity, inscribes them in a supposed relation of autochthony.
The clanic organization of the T'rung, Rawang, Nung and
other related groups has the consequence that members of the same clan
can be found in any of these groups. This level of identification
is the most meaningful for them, and for a first encounter they may ask
each other's clan name. Being of the same clan would involve a hospitable
attitude and reciprocal aid. Nevertheless, references to a locality are
not just made for outsiders, and in everyday life, one would always say
at first his village name and not his clan name. Villages, or hamlets,
being often the exclusive habitat of members of a same sub-clan, do constitute
a meaningful category of reference, and is a primordial component of identity.
The local group, from the lower level of the village to the higher level
of the valley, refer to a locality as an expression of a filiation, because
territorial links are parallel to consanguineous links. Therefore,
names of places also become the names of the groups of residence.
The T'rung (Trung, Drung, Dulong Nationality)
The T'rung stand at the figure of rougthly 6000 members, making up one of the smallest official minority nationalities in China. They are relatively isolated in a small valley where the easternmost source of the Irrawaddy meanders through (Dulongjiang in Chinese, hence the name Dulong for its inhabitants), an administrative division of the Dulong and Nu Nationalities Autonomous County of Gongshan. The valley has an average altitude of 1500 meters above sea level, and the climate is sub-tropical highland. The bio-diversity of the Dulong Valley is one the richest in the world. Small communities occupy the riverbanks and the upper slopes of the river gorge. They mainly practice slash-and-burn (shifting) cultivation, and supplement other staples by hunting and gathering in the forest they know like the backs of their hands. Since time immemorial, the T'rung have extracted much from the natural surroundings: medicinal plants, musk and furs… They mainly used these items in the past to barter with the Chinese and Tibetans. Now, Chinese currency is commonly exchanged and shops have been opened in some villages. Since the fifties, rice paddies have been introduced to the southern part of the valley, and consequently led to the diversification of the economy. The T'rung have always been isolated from the rest of the world during the winter, when heavy snow fills up the high passes leading to the Dulong Valley. In September 1999, the construction of a road suitable for motor vehicles ended, and its 96 km now links Gongshan County up with Kongdang village in the middle of the valley. This achievement will bring many benefits, at the same time it will bring on rapid changes that may accelerate the lost of traditions. In the south of the valley, their stilted houses are built from bamboo, while heavy lumber is used in the North. Women still make hemp fabric for striped cloth, but more and more, Chinese garments are replacing these traditional outfits. The village elders maintain the important role of keepers of their animist religion and culture. The young generation pays more attention to the outside world. The shaman (nam'sa) is called upon if somebody is grievously sick. He exorcises the bad spirits or brings back the fleeing soul. Mountains, cliffs, rivers and other physical features are believed to possess spirits (pulang ). These spirits are neither good nor bad but could be the bringers of misfortunes. Proper sacrifices and offerings may insure prosperity and fertility. Such occasions often end in a collective gathering ending in bacchanalia, consuming large amounts of fermented alcohol. The tattoos on old women's faces are the relics of a lost tradition. Mostly in the south, Drung are also rapidly converting to Christianity, especially since the last religious liberalization, but keeping some of their traditional beliefs. After its interdiction during the fifties and the Cultural Revolution, they had few occasions to perform Bull ritual sacrifices at the initiative of journalists and photographs, another indication of changing times.
The Anung and Nung (Nu Nationality)
The Nu, with a total population of roughtly 27 000 individuals,
live in the Lisu Nationality Autonomous Prefecture of Nujiang in northwest
Yunnan Province, which is administratively divided into four counties.
The Nu Nationality, dispatched in this area, is in fact made-up of four
different peoples amongst which great differences are to be found concerning
language as well as cultural and social features. For convenience,
they can be distinguished according to the area they inhabit, but average
population for each group is very hard to estimate as to what 'branch'
of the Nu nationality people are affiliated is not a criterion for population
census. The Zauzuo (or Rouruo) from Lanping County near the Mekong,
are sedentary farmers (around 2 000 individuals), and live contiguously
with people of the Bai and Lisu nationality. The Nusu of the southern
part of the Salween valley not only share the same land with the Lisu,
but also important parts of their culture, music, costume and some religious
practices. Higher north, the Anung are found in Fugong County, whereas
the Nung are living in Gongshan County (roughtly 6500 individuals), and
both are customarily and linguistically closely related to the T'rung (Dulong
nationality). Many of the Nung have embraced Tibetan Buddhism and
often live in mixed villages with Tibetans; few other are Catholics due
to the presence over a century of French missionaries who were active until
the arrival of the communists. Anung, Nung and Nusu traditionally
practice slash-and-burn cultivation, and they are pushing higher and higher
up the once densely forested coverage of the deep Salween gorge.
But consecutive programs of economic development since the fifties have
now popularized wet rice cultivation, while few communities actively engage
in breeding. From what were originally small villages at the time
of the proclamation of the People's Republic of China (1949) real towns
have grown up throughout the valley. The traditional Nu settlements
are found along paths radiating from the highway linking Liuku to Gongshan
along the Salween River. It is because of these important linguistic
and cultural differences that speaking of the Nu as a whole is very delicate.
No generalization about language or cultural features can be made without
being inadequate for one or the other group composing the Nu Nationality.
On the grounds of diverse influences, the Nung can themselves be differentiated
by their religious practices: Tibetan Buddhism, Catholicism or animism.
There is sometimes a great deal of syncretism, such as in the yearly ritual
to the grottoes' female spirits. Requiring Buddhists officiants,
this ritual involves beliefs, such as the fertility power of the water
trickling down the stalactites (the 'milk' of the spirit), which probably
existed prior to Buddhist influence. Accordingly, their garments
differ and, for the ones who do not engage in modern fashion, they dress
the Tibetan way or with a more specific costume mixing Tibetan style garments
and weaved striped cloth (similar to that of the T'rung people). Architecture
is also very influenced by Tibetan culture, but in a lot of places remain
the traditional wooden houses often covered with slates Nung people find
in quantity on surrounding cliffs.